P-ISSN: 2808-5957
E-ISSN: 2808-6724
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LAND DISPUTE SETTLEMENT REVIEW FROM MINANGKABAU
TRADITIONAL LAW (CASE STUDY OF LIMAPULUH REGENCY, WEST
SUMATRA PROVINCE CITY)
Muhammad Nasir
Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Hukum Painan Serang, Banten, Indonesia
Email : Muhammadnasir16041966@gmail.com
ARTICLE INFO
ABSTRACT
Date received : 10 July 2022
Revision date : 16 July 2022
Date Approved : 23 July 2022
The purpose of this research is: (1) To understand the
process of clearing estate lawsuit based on the customs of
Minangkabau. (2) To understand the obstacles found during
the case of clearing estate lawsuit based on the customs of
Minangkabau. This research, utilizes empirist method in
where law is socially, culturally, and das sein because in this
research, the primary datas are collected from real cases.
This research proves that; (1) The clearing process of
heirloom lawsuit in Minangkabau is accomplished by the
system of “Ladder up” and “Stairs down” starting from the
neighborhood of clan, the neighborhood of tribe, and the
neighborhood of Nagari. If the clearing process were not to
reach an agreement, the clearing process shall be continued
to the neighborhood of Nagari. (2) The obstacles that I find in
the clearing process of heirloom lawsuit can be observed from
two points of view. First, from the perspective of cultural
leaders is the lack of willingness, the lack of economical
resources, and the letter of bequest. Second, from the
perspective of prosecutors is the element of time, the lack of
agreement that can be mutually reached, and differences of
opinion. Based on the data of my research, it is
recommended that; (1) in order to avoid the obstacles
mentioned by the researcher, the side of the prosecutors
should require a person that can act as mediator (not a
cultural leader) in order to prevent an event in which the
tribal leaders from both side might clash. (2) For the
government of West Sumatra to consider making local
regulation regarding the inheritance of an estate with cultural
value and allow the local regulation be spread in order to
avoid further compication regarding estate lawsuit.
Keywords: The clearing
process of estate lawsuit;
Minangkabau’s cultural
laws.
This work is licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0
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INTRODUCTION
Humans and land have a close relationship. In addition to their own interests,
land is also needed for wider interests. Here we are dealing with the public interest, but
the public interest has not been formulated in a standard way. The public interest
hundreds of years ago had almost the same meaning as the interests of a group of
indigenous peoples. The definition of public interest is too narrow or local. Although
gradually the meaning has developed into a larger atmosphere, which includes legal
alliances, villages, clans, regions and a combination of several villages and regions, up
to what is known today as "common interests", "people's interests", "interests of the
people". national”, “nation interest”, and “State interest” (Lesilawang, 2020).
Land is a necessity, every human being always tries to have it, it is a fact even
though some have never owned land. After that it will keep it up no matter what. Land
can be owned by anyone, individuals, communities as groups, or legal entities. One
time land became inheritance or company assets and even became sacred objects.
Obviously, land has economic value; the more demand and need for land, the higher
the value of land, it is also unavoidable, which results in higher land conflicts (Lubis,
2021).
In fact, humans cannot be separated from the land, because in that land they
were born, which is why the term "land spilled" arises, in the land they live and do
activities, and it is also the soil that gives them life (in the form of food and facilities),
and finally into the ground. anyway they are returned (buried). Including the main part
of the land that is the source of human life is water, so the term "land-water" arises. In
that land there are also places that are respected (sacred, sacred, have special values).
According to (Saiful, 2009) states that the land which is the living environment of
humans (society), of course apply the rules that we call law or custom which in one
place or another there are few or many differences, but there are also points of
similarity that applies in a place (environment) binding and must be obeyed by anyone
who lives or is in that place. This provision is described in the proverb "Where the earth
is stepped on, there the sky is upheld". There are two things that cause the land to
have a very important position in customary law, namely because of its nature, namely
being the only object, wealth which, despite experiencing any circumstances, is still
permanent in its condition and sometimes even becomes a property. more profitable
and due to the fact that the land is a place of residence for the community
(community), provides a livelihood for the community (community),is a place where the
deceased members of the community (community) are buried,and is also a place of
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residence for and-and-and-yang protectors ofcommunity) and the spirits of the
ancestors of the community (community).
Until now, the settlement of land disputes is still a matter of polemic. To resolve
land disputes with positive law, it is still quite difficult to get a settlement that is
beneficial to both parties. This also applies to customary law, considering that because
customary law is not a written rule, it will be very difficult for indigenous peoples to
resolve the disputes they face.
In the Big Indonesian Dictionary it is stated that adat is a rule that is commonly
followed or practiced since time immemorial; habitual way; a form of cultural ideas
consisting of cultural values, norms, laws, and rules that are related to one another into
one system. Adat is a cultural idea that consists of cultural values, norms, habits,
institutions, and customary laws that are commonly practiced in an area. If this custom
is not implemented, confusion will occur which will lead to unwritten sanctions by the
local community against perpetrators who are considered deviant. In Indonesia the
word "custom" was only used around the end of the 19th century. Previously this word
was only known to the Malay community after their cultural encounter with Islam in the
16th century. This word, among others, can be read in the laws of the Malay State.
Because the term Adat which has been absorbed into Indonesian has become a habit,
the term customary law is often equated with customary law.
Based on the opinion above, it can be concluded that customary law is a legal
system that is known in the social life environment in Indonesia. Thus, customary law is
the original law of the Indonesian nation. The source is unwritten legal regulations that
grow and develop and are maintained with the legal awareness of the community.
Because these regulations are unwritten and develop, customary law has the ability to
adapt and be elastic.
Regarding the issue of Indonesian customary law enforcement, this is indeed
very principal because custom is a mirror for the nation, custom is an identity for the
nation, and identity for each region.
Within the framework of implementing the National Land Law and due to the
demands of indigenous peoples, on June 24 1999, the Regulation of the State Minister
of Agrarian Affairs/Head of the National Land Agency No. 5 of 1999 was issued
concerning Guidelines for the Settlement of Problems with the Ulayat Rights of
Indigenous Peoples. This regulation is intended to provide guidance in regulating and
making operational policies in the land sector as well as steps for solving problems
related to customary land. This regulation contains a policy that clarifies the principle of
recognition of "ulayat rights and similar rights of customary law communities" as
referred to in Article 3 of the Basic Agrarian Law (UUPA). These policies include
equalization of perceptions regarding "ulayat rights" (Article 1), criteria and
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determination of the existence of customary rights and similar rights of customary law
communities (Articles 2 and 5), the authority of indigenous peoples over their ulayat
lands (Articles 3 and 5). 4).
According to Vollenhoven, Indonesia is divided into 19 areas of customary law
(
rechtsringen
). One area with uniform outlines, patterns and characteristics of
customary law is called
rechtskring
. Each customary law environment is further divided
into several sections called Kukuban Hukum (
Rechtsgouw
).
The customary law environment is as follows.
1. Aceh (Aceh Besar, West Coast, Singkel, Semeuleu)
2. Gayo land, Alas land and Batak land (Tapanuli). Batak land (Tapanuli)
(a) North Tapanuli; Pakpak Batak (Barus), Karo Batak, Simelungun Batak, Toba
Batak (Samosir, Balige, Laguboti, Lumbun Julu)
(b) South Tapanuli; Padang Lawas (Tano Panjang), Angkola, Mandailing
(Sayurmatinggi)
(c) Nias (South Nias)
3. Minangkabau land (Padang, Agam, Tanah Datar, Fifty Cities, Kampar land,
Kerinci)
4. Mentawai (Pagai people)
5. South Sumatra, which consists of:
(a) Bengkulu (Range)
(b) Lampung (Abung, Paminggir, Pubian, Rebang, Gedingtataan, Tulang
Bawang)
(c) Palembang (Children, Jelma Daya, Kubu, Pasemah, Semendo)
(d) Jambi (Batin and Penghulu)
(e) Don't
6. Malay Land (Lingga-Riau, Indragiri, East Sumatra, Banjar people)
7. Bangka and Belitung
8. Kalimantan (West Kalimantan Dayak, Kapuas, Hulu, Pasir, Dayak, Kenya,
Klemanten Dayak, Landak Dayak, Tayan Dayak, Lawangan Dayak, Lepo Alim, Lepo
Timei, Long Glatt, Maanyan Dayak, Maanyan Siung Dayak, Ngaju Dayak, Ot Danum
Dayak , Dayak Connecting Punan)
9. Gorontalo (Bolaang Mongondow, Suwawa, Boilohuto, Paguyaman)
10. Land of Toraja (Central Sulawesi, Toraja, Toraja Baree, West Toraja, Sigi, Kaili,
Tawali, Toraja Sadan, To Mori, To Lainang, Kep. Banggai)
11. South Sulawesi (Bugis, Bone, Goa, Laikang, Ponre, Mandar, Makasar, Selayar,
Muna)
12. Ternate Islands (Ternate, Tidore, Halmahera, Kao, Tobelo, Sula Islands)
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13. Maluku Ambon (Ambon, Hitu, Banda, Uliasar Islands, Saparua, Buru, Seram, Kei
Islands, Aru Islands, Kisar)
14. Irian
15. Kep. Timor (Timor Islands, Timor, Central Timor, Mollo, Sumba, Central Sumba,
East Sumba, Kodi, Flores, Ngada, Roti, Sayu Bima)
16. Bali and Lombok (Bali Tanganan-Pagrisingan, Kastala, Karrang Asem, Buleleng,
Jembrana, Lombok, Sumbawa)
17. Central Java, East Java and Madura (Central Java, Kedu, Purworejo,
Tulungagung, East Java, Surabaya, Madura)
18. Royal Region (Surakarta, Yogyakarta)
19. West Java (Priangan, Sunda, Jakarta, Banten)
According to (Van Vollenhoven, Holleman, & Sonius, 2013) Of the 19 customary
areas that have been divided by Prof. Mr. Cornelis (Van Vollenhoven et al., 2013), there
is one area that is still very thick with its customary law, namely Minangkabau land.
Minangkabau land is one of 19 customary areas known for their customs. applies in the
social life of the Minangkabau people, especially those who live in Minang or West
Sumatra. To a certain extent, Minangkabau customs are also used and apply to Minang
people who are overseas outside the Minangkabau region. In addition, Minang land is
also known for its uniqueness, namely Matrilineal or following the mother's line of
descent and various kinds of customs that are still being carried out today, including
customs regarding land.
According to (Rosnidar, 2017) argued that cases of tribal land disputes that
occurred in Indonesia in general, especially in West Sumatra since 1985 and until now
have not found a bright spot for these problems. This case begins with a male
descendant of a tribe who certifies a plot of land and bequeaths the land to his son.
According to Minangkabau customary law, boys only have usufructuary rights and
cannot certify, inherit and trade.
From the description above, the author withdraws the letter entitled Research on
Land Dispute Resolution in Tinajau from Minangkabau Customary Law (Case Study of
Fifty Cities District in West Sumatra Province)on the grounds that Until now, the various
efforts that have been taken by the parties to resolve the dispute are only deliberation
based on the applicable Minangkabau customary law. The end result that is expected
from this case is that the land of the people can be returned to the female descendants
as the legal owners of the land based on customary law.
METHOD
In the preparation of this research, the authors conducted research using the
empirical method which means law as a social, cultural or
das sein
reality because in
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this study primary data obtained from the field were used. Data collection techniques
were carried out in several ways, namely: Question and answer interviews were
conducted with respondents from parties who have an understanding of customary law
and dispute resolution with customary law. through various books and laws and
regulations related to research on dispute resolution with customary law. In the
preparation and writing of this research used descriptive analysis research
specifications. Analytical descriptive research seeks to reveal the laws and regulations
relating to legal theories that are the object of research. Likewise the law in its
implementation in the community with regard to the object of research.
RESULT AND DISCUSSION
Results
Based on the results of the author's research that in the process of Land Dispute
Resolution based on the rules and laws or customary law that applies in the social life of
the Minangkabau community, especially those residing in the Minang realm or West
Sumatra. To a certain extent, Minangkabau customs are also used and apply to Minang
people who are overseas outside the Minangkabau region.
According to Mr. Aswandi Janas as Dt. Mangkuto Sinaro (Chief of the Tribe), he said
that:
"Minangkabau customary law has a systematic organized organically, namely a
leader consisting of functional representatives, the legal community, the harmony of
the nagari, in which there are several relatives who are part of the tribes led by
chief".
The settlement of customary land disputes in Minangkabau is resolved in stages
up and down, starting from the clan environment, tribal environment and nagari
environment. Based on the theory developed by Ralf Dahrendorf, it states that the
theory of dispute resolution is a theory that examines and analyzes the categories or
classifications of disputes or conflicts that arise in society. Dt Mangkuto Sinaro said:
"The dispute resolution is resolved in stages up and down stairs, the first settlement
is resolved by the four tribes (the penghulu who is dituahkan/exalted seranting),
the second settlement is carried out by the ninik mamak in their respective jorong
by the Jorong Customary Density (KAJ), if not finished, proceed to the respective
Nagari Adat Density (KAN)
In resolving a dispute, KAN establishes peace, deliberation and consensus as
long as the prevailing custom is guided by the lineage of the ranji/ranji of the tribes and
peoples in dispute. In resolving disputes over the Nagari Customary Density, it is carried
out by rules or methods, namely: deliberation, consensus, directly on the subject of the
dispute, more applying customary law.
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1) The Level of the People
Mr. Alizamri Rajo Lelo as Dubalang Parik Paga Adat Koto Loweh said:
"The level of the people is the first stage carried out in the dispute resolution
stage in Minangkabau".
According to H. Nurullah. (2006). The settlement of customary land disputes
in Minangkabau starts from the clan level. Dispute resolution at this level is carried
out by means of deliberation/customary hearings. Deliberation according to the
Big Indonesian Dictionary is a joint discussion with the aim of reaching a decision
on problem solving, negotiation, deliberation. Mr. Dubalang also did not forget to
say:
"The adat session at the clan level is only attended by the oldest man in the
tribe who knows the history or origin of the land, a manti and the disputing
parties, at the women's level they are not allowed to attend the adat session".
Customary meetings/trials at the tribal level are attended by customary officials
including the eldest male or dispensed person who serves as the leader of the
session, a manti in charge of administering the administration, and the disputing
parties. At this level, women have not been included in customary
deliberations/trials unless the women themselves are involved as plaintiffs or
defendants, but in some disputes women usually give a mandate to the eldest
brother to represent himself in the adat deliberation/trial.
2) Tribal Level
When the traditional deliberations/trials at the tribal level have not yet reached
a consensus from both parties, then the dispute resolution proceeds to the tribal
level. Mr. Dubalang said:
“If there is no consensus at the tribal level, the adat session is continued to the
tribal level
. The dispute resolution at this level is attended by adat apparatus present at
the clan level, the disputing party is added to the penghulu (tribal head) who acts
as the leader of the session or judge. The settlement at the tribal level is also
carried out by deliberation with stages, namely: indictment (reading of the lawsuit),
answers, judge's considerations and the judge's decision (penghulu). In the
traditional deliberations/trials at the tribal level, women have not been included.
Even at this level, there is still no consensus in the settlement, although each
tribal chief has presented, there is still no intention from the defendant to return
the land.
3) Nagari Level
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According to Mr. Dubalang Parik Paga Adat Koto Loweh That
"If the customary
assembly at the tribal level is not completed, it will be continued to the Nagari level
with the Nagari Customary Density"
.
According to
(H. Ahmad Hosen, 2006)
System If both parties to the dispute are
not satisfied with the decision at the tribal level, then the dispute resolution is
brought to the Nagari level, namely in a customary trial by the Nagari Customary
Density. In the interview, Mr. Dubalang also did not forget to say:
"In the adat
session at the Nagari level it is not the same as at the previous levels because there
will be many parties present including the eldest male, penghulu, wali nagari, KAN
employees, bundo kanduang, dubalang, manti and scholars. At this level, women
are allowed to attend the trial, given that the high pusako is actually owned by
women, so the opinion of bundo kanduang will greatly affect the adat trial at this
level”.
In the Nagari-level adat trial attended by traditional officials including: men who
are divinated, penghulu, guardians of Nagari, KAN employees, bundo kanduang,
alim ulama, dubalang and manti. The term bundo kanduang was formerly used to
refer to the eldest sister of the King, but now bundo kanduang is not only limited to
that but is also used to refer to the eldest mothers in the tribe who rule the Ranji
tribe. The customary deliberation/trial at this level is carried out in the same stages
as the traditional consultation/trial at the tribal level, except that there are more
traditional apparatuses present than those present at the previous level. At this
level, women who can be included in customary deliberations/trials are only limited
to the disputing parties and Bundo Kanduang.
Up to the customary deliberations/trials at the nagari level, there is still no
bright spot for resolving this dispute, even the authors find one thing that is odd in
the dispute, namely that those who signed the grant letter kept by the defendants
were not the tribal chiefs who were ampek who were considered as expert
witnesses who can give legal force to the letter, but neighbors who are not even
natives of the area (immigrants).
4) Judicial
Level The judicial level is the final stage of dispute resolution from customary
law. Mr. Dubalang in his interview said:
"If it comes to the Nagari level there are still parties who are not satisfied with
the results of the adat trial, the disputing parties can take the case to court level
by bringing a decision letter from KAN".
According to (Asmar Gutji, 2011) stated that in accordance with existing
procedures, customary land disputes can only be brought to court if there has been
a decision from KAN. At this level, the settlement that will be carried out is no
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longer customary deliberation/trial but a modern trial as is often done in courts in
general with judges, clerks, lawyers for each party (if any) and of course the
disputing parties. Before the dispute between the parties will be tried, the judge will
appoint a mediator to mediate the disputing parties to get an agreement.
According to (Riyatna Abdurrasyid, 2005) mediation is a peaceful process in
which the disputing parties submit their settlement to a mediator to achieve a fair
final result, without wasting too much cost, but effective and fully accepted by both
parties to the dispute voluntarily. . When the mediator is also unsuccessful, the trial
will continue as usual and will result in a losing party and a winning party. In some
cases there are several disputes that are submitted up to the level of the Supreme
Court. At the settlement level at the judicial level, the parties must provide a tando
to the judge, so that the dispute can be resolved. Tando is a guarantee that must
be submitted to the judge through the intermediary of the manti. The tando handed
over to the judge must be in balance with the property in dispute. In the custom it
is mentioned gadang wood, gadang material. In the case study raised by the
author, the resolution of this dispute has not yet reached the level, for several
reasons.
Customary disputes are disputes that usually occur within indigenous peoples.
Minangkabau is about customary disputes, not disputes that often occur like disputes in
general, this is because in general the cause of this dispute is inheritance passed down
through custom. The problem in customary disputes is related to high heirlooms which
do not have clarity on who the original owner of the object was. Customary disputes
usually occur between families, between tribal members and tribal chiefs, even between
tribes. Here, the author attaches an analysis of a land dispute case in Suliki sub-district,
fifty-city district in terms of the frequency, settlement, and obstacles to customary
disputes over the last 3 years.
Based on Minangkabau customary law, if the eldest daughter does not have
female offspring, her lineage ends with her and inheritance. The high inheritance was
transferred to another daughter who has female offspring, this means that Mr. Bayani is
no longer entitled to the land and the high inheritance should be transferred to the
younger brother of his mother who has female descendants. This dispute began since
the death of the father Bayani (late). Initially, no one objected when Mr. Bayani (late)
managed the land because Mr. Bayani was still a member of the Mandailiang tribe (his
mother's tribe), after Mr. Bayani (Alm) died, Mr. Bayani's children continued to manage
the land. When Mr. Maizar Dt. Tantamo (Alm) heard that the land had been managed
by the children of Mr. Bayani (Alm) who were no longer members of the Mandailiang
tribe, Dt. Tantamo visited them and asked for the land to be returned to the original
owner of the high heirloom (the Mandailiang tribe). After being visited by Dt. Tantamo,
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the children of Mr. Bayani (Alm) refused to return the land on the pretext that the land
had been granted by Mr. Bayani to them as evidenced by the existence of a will,
certificate of grant and land certificate. Until now, the children of Mr. Bayani (Alm) are
not willing to return the land. This dispute will only be resolved if the high heirloom has
been returned to its original owner (the Mandailiang tribe). Based on the statement
from Mr. Dubalang, Baeliau said:
"I assume that if this dispute is continued at the
judicial level, it is possible to return the high-ranking pusako to the tribe by canceling
the land certificate through the Supreme Court which is a prona program".
The assumption of Mr. Dubalang is confirmed by the Decree of the Head of the
Level I Region of West Sumatra Number 08 of 1994 concerning Guidelines for the
Procedure for Settlement of Customary Disputes in the Nagari Adat Density (KAN) in the
Level I Province of West Sumatra. Article 5 of the Basic Agrarian Law affirms that
customary law is also serve as the basis for the new agrarian law.
Analysis of the causes of dispute cases according to the author, namely:
· Mr. Bayani lacks knowledge of Minangkabau customary law because he has made a
certificate for high heritage land.
· Lack of understanding of Minangkabau customary law by Prona officers who issue
land certificates.
· The Certificate of Grant which is the evidence is not strong enough because it is not
signed by the head of the nan ampek tribe and is only signed by the people who live
around the land.
Sako and pusako disputes may occur between pariks within a tribe, between
tribes within a tribe or between tribes and other tribes within a Nagari. The settlement
of the dispute must be carried out by bajanjang up Batanggo down. Disputes between
the pariahs in one clan must be resolved first by the mamak of the head of the heirs.
This is called kusuik bulu, beak malasai. If there is a dispute between people in a tribe,
it is first to settle the head of the tribe in the tribe. Because the task of the penghulu is
kusuik manyalasai, karuah mampajaniah. If a dispute occurs between tribes, then this
dispute is resolved by the local KAN.
According to custom, the essence of resolving a dispute is "bak mamalu malu ula
in baniah, ula mati, pamalu indak broken, baniah indak damaged, land indak emblem"
or also called "bak maelok rambuik in tapuang, rambuik indak putuih, tapuang indak
taserak" So in resolving a dispute according to custom, it is done very wisely. Unlike
litigation in court, "an loser becomes ashes, and a winner becomes a baro". Settlement
of customary disputes can be carried out according to customs or regulations made by
the government. In the previous discussion the author has explained the stages of
dispute resolution according to custom. In 1991 the governor of the first level of West
Sumatra, issued a decree no. 08 of 1994 concerning guidelines for customary dispute
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resolution procedures in the Nagari Adat Density (KAN) in the province of West
Sumatra. This decision letter was born against the background of the issuance of a
circular letter from the head of the West Sumatra High Court, dated 27 May 1985 no.
W.3.DA.04.02.3633; who hopes that the judges of the district courts in West Sumatra
suggest to the plaintiffs who file lawsuits that the high inheritance land disputes be
resolved through the Nagari Adat Density (KAN) or the Minangkabau Natural Customary
Density Institute in the district/municipality before being submitted to the district court.
The decision also explains the stages and procedures for the proceedings in the
customary court.
In the dispute discussed by the author, the settlement process has been running
from the tribal level (discussion) to the nagari level (KAN). The Nagari Adat Density has
issued a decision to continue this dispute to a higher level, but until the end of his life
the plaintiff, namely Mr. Dt. Tantamo has not yet taken this dispute to court. After
conducting interviews with several close relatives of the plaintiff, the author concludes
that there are several reasons why Mr. Dt. Tantamo has not yet taken this case to a
higher level including, the first considering and considering that if you want to take a
case in court it costs a lot of money, close relatives also say that if you want to go to
court the judge's decision may be in contrast to what is expected by the judge. Mr. Dt.
Tantamo, considering that the defendant has all the files and letters that become the
power to win the trial.
Dt. Tantamo argued that this dispute could be resolved in a wise manner and not
detrimental to both parties, considering that the essence of resolving a dispute
according to Minang custom is "like mamalu malu ula in baniah, ula mati, pamalu indak
broken, baniah indak damaged, land indak emblem or also called “bak maelok
rambuik in tapuang, rambuik indak white, tapuang indak taserak”, which means hair
does not break, flour is not scattered, meaning that in dispute resolution one must be
good at making decisions so that no one feels aggrieved, unlike litigation in court,
"When you lose, you become ashes, when you win, you become baro".
Dispute Resolution Constraints
According to Dt. Mangkuto Sinaro, he said that:
"The obstacle faced in resolving
disputes using Minangkabau customary law is the absence of physical evidence in the
form of letters".
The obstacles that hinder the settlement of disputes in the case of children's land
disputes from Mr. Bayani (late) and Dt. Tantamo are:
1. From the Perspective of Customary Stakeholders (Penghulu)
a. Lack of will
“after the death of dt. Tantamo, in my opinion the brothers from the family of dt.
Tantamo, who is still alive, lacks the will to resolve this dispute.
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Mr. Dubalang said that the brothers from dt. Tantamo is no longer interested
in resolving this dispute for several reasons. This opinion of Mr. Dubalang was also
confirmed in an interview I conducted with the family of dt. Tantamo.
"If it's den uni, you don't want to be father. After all, the land won't be brought to
death, right?”
That's what the younger sister of dt said. Tantamo who is now the oldest
living child. He also said that he did not want to have a lawsuit, let the land be used
by another tribe, although he also had time to express his desire to take over the
land without going through court.
b. Financial Condition
Given the increasing economic conditions, Mr. Dubalang also had time to say:
"Apart from the lack of will, the problem of funds is also a consideration because
hiring a lawyer to go to court is not a small fee, not to mention the security deposit
that must be paid for this dispute
. Attorney fees and security deposit the plaintiff
must also prepare funds for transportation considering the plaintiff's residence and
the location of the Supreme Court which can be quite far and there are still many
other unexpected needs for dispute resolution.
c. Letter of grant
According to (Pide, 2015) customary law for customary land applies a
separate principle. What is meant by the principle of separation is the separation of
land from plants and buildings on it. In connection with this principle, there is a
fatwa found in the custom that the pusako land has high water that can be drunk,
the results can be enjoyed, the land remains. Members of the clan only get the
right to borrow from the clan, which is then called ganggam bauntuak. The holders
of ganggam bauntuak only get the right to enjoy the land, they are not the owner.
The owner is all members of the clan, while the ruler is the head of the heir.
According to (Winardi, 2007) stated that since Islam entered Minangkabau,
grant institutions were also introduced. According to Islamic law, the property that
is donated is the treasure of one's own pursuit, in everyday words the result of
bone nan dalapan karek (own labor). Then this grant institution is applied to ulayat
land/high pusako land. For example, the bako donates his tall pusako land to his
banana cub. According to custom, the grant is not justified because it violates a
separate principle: the Bako only gets a loan from the people in the form of
ganggam bauntuak (borrowing rights). What the bako donated to the banana child
was not the pusako land itself, but the matter of managing it or the right to enjoy
the results, the pusako land itself still belongs to the bako's relatives.
Mr. Dubalang in saying "If the land has already been granted, then the grant
is only valid for the life of the recipient of the grant, and cannot be continued by
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the child of the recipient of the grant, with the word that the grant will terminate by
itself".
Dubalang's statement is reinforced by a customary rule that says that grants
are usually determined by time, in custom it is called sailang kuciang, sailang
ngeong, meaning that if the banana child who receives the grant dies, the land of
high pusako returns to the bako or his tribe. The custom dictates “kabau pai
kubangan tingga”, pusako babaliak ka nan punyo (heirloom returns to the owner).
1. From the Plaintiff's Point of View (Relative of Dt. Tantamo)
a. Time
"Due to the busyness of different people, we cannot force them to take part
in the resolution of this dispute, not to mention that this dispute is related to the
prona, while the cancellation of the prona cannot be carried out in a state court or a
religious court, so it must be brought to the Supreme Court again, while The trial in
the national court has already taken time, starting from mediation, not to mention
the trial that has been postponed for other reasons, especially if it reaches the
Supreme Court, it will take a long time, it could be months or even years, so usually
customary land disputes are not said. Peace from both parties to the Nagari level
will definitely be allowed to remain for an indefinite period of time”.
Time is also a very influential constraint in the settlement, it can be seen
from the interviews that have been quoted by the author of the youngest brother,
dt. Tantamo said that everyone's busyness is different, so if there is one person
who cannot take part in the dispute resolution process then no one can judge that
person, that all relevant parties must understand that the parties to the dispute
already have their own families and responsibilities so they also have to take care of
their own families and bringing up this dispute will take up their time for the family.
b. There is no Consensus
According to the Big Indonesian Dictionary, the word consensus means a
discussion or negotiation that reaches an agreement or produces an agreement.
Based on interviews that the author did with the younger brother of dt. Tantamo
regarding the obstacles experienced in resolving the dispute, he said
, "You have to report to the court there must be an agreement from all the families, but
brothers and sisters want to have a father".
Based on the story of the younger brother dt. Tantamo initially went to court to
collect a form to register the dispute, but when he told his brothers about the
registration, they said that they no longer wanted to have a lawsuit and instead let
the land be cultivated by the children of the father's family as what they have done
so far. When the writer asked his opinion on this matter, he only said
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“If you lose, you won't win later, you can't go to juo den bawo at the house of
wife jo anak den
.
c. Differences of Opinion
Opinion according to the Big Indonesian Dictionary (KBBI) is defined as the fruit
of thoughts or estimates about a matter. Differences of opinion usually arise
because of ideological differences. According to Rodee, ideology is a collection of
ideas that are logically related and identify values that give legitimacy to institutions
and actors. The difference of opinion that arose in this dispute occurred because the
children of Mr. Bayani adhered to positive law in an effort to settle disputes, in this
case they argued that in the trial the judge was bound by valid evidence, meaning
that the judge could only make decisions based on the instruments used. evidence
specified in the law, while Dt. Tantamo wants this dispute to be resolved by
customary law considering the disputed land is high heritage land (customary land).
The previous explanation was confirmed by a statement issued by the younger
sister of dt. Tantamo which reads.
"If you are den uni, don't want papaaro". (interview, 22/03/2018)
The author assumes that the younger sister of dt. Tantamo does not want to go
to court with this statement. And with this also the obstacles of differences of opinion in
dispute resolution are getting stronger. On the other hand, there are defendants who
ignore the principles that apply to customary land, which makes the writer assume that
the defendants do not make this principle as a benchmark in this short solution.
CONCLUSION
Settlement of high inheritance land disputes in Minangkabau is resolved in stages
up and down, starting from the clan environment, tribal environment and Nagari
(Nagari Customary Density), if at the Nagari level there is no settlement, it can be
continued to the Judiciary level. After conducting interviews with several tribal chiefs,
the author found that in Minangkabau custom the grant is usually determined by time,
in adat it is called sailang kuciang, sailang ngeong, meaning that if the banana child
who receives the grant dies, the land of high pusako returns to the bako or his tribe.
The custom dictates “kabau pai kubangan tingga”, pusako babaliak ka nan punyo
(heirloom returns to the owner). In conclusion, the plaintiff only needs to wait until the
descendants of the father bayani are exhausted and in that way the high pusako can
return to the Dt tribe. Tantamo by itself.
Based on the results of interviews that the authors conducted with several
parties, the authors found that there were still many obstacles that hindered the
resolution of this dispute. If viewed from the perspective of the customary holder, Mr.
Dubalang said that the obstacles were the lack of will on the part of the plaintiff and
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financial problems, while from the point of view of the plaintiff the problem was in the
timing and agreement between the brothers.
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