P-ISSN: 2808-5957
E-ISSN: 2808-6724
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FIBER IDENTITY POLITICS AND POTENTIAL THREATS
Muhammad Ridho B.
Deputy Director PINBAS, Indonesia Council of Ulama, Indonesia
muhammad.edho49@gmail.ugm.ac.id
ARTICLE INFO
ABSTRACT
Published: October 31
st
, 2022
The practice of identity politics has again strengthened and dominated the
socio-political discourse in this country. Identity politics that appears in all
spheres, be it the political stage (elections), social and economic domains,
must receive special attention for all stakeholders who still have love for the
homeland and patriotism, and require a comprehensive study. This study
aims to examine identity politics comprehensively regarding the root causes,
forms and patterns of movement and the potential threats it carries. This
study uses qualitative research methods, while the data collection
techniques are carried out by exploring journals, books, and other
information relevant to the study. The results of the study show that identity
politics in Indonesia arises due to various factors. The basic causes of
identity politics also determine the form and pattern of movements or
actions of identity politics that are carried out. In the form of radical action,
political reasons, namely ideology, often become the root of the problem
which is then closely intertwined with rationalization of action based on
identity as the cover. Identity politics is a way to mobilize support and
advance the hidden agenda behind the practice of identity politics that is
shown. This is of course very vulnerable to the life of the nation and state
because such pragmatism will only lead the community to social conflict as
a result of the strengthening of identity and self-exclusiveness sentiments or
groups and, whether consciously or not, often involve acts of physical or
symbolic violence.
Keywords: identity politics,
potential threats, Indonesia
This work is licensed under CC
BY-SA 4.0
INTRODUCTION
Identity politics that appears in all spheres, be it the political stage (elections), social and
economic domains, must receive special attention for all stakeholders who still have love for the
homeland and patriotism, and require a comprehensive study. The reason is that if allowed to
spread, it will be like mushrooms in the rainy season, it grows very quickly and ultimately threatens
the integrity of the nation. If so, it is not impossible that the threat to the ideology and sovereignty
of the state is a risk that must be paid dearly by the state. This paper intends to present a
comprehensive discussion of identity politics in order to present a comprehensive and rational
picture.
Indonesia is one of the most unique countries, especially in terms of geography, population,
natural resources, and various implications. This uniqueness is reflected in the existence of
diversity, plurality, and heterogeneity both in terms of ethnicity, religion, race, inter-group
(SARA), regional languages, customs, and culture, which have the potential to become a
formidable force if they can be directed into a solid unity. On the other hand, if it fails, it has the
potential to become an object of division, colonial history has shown that fact and currently there
are certain parties who for personal gain, both economic and political, make efforts to divide the
unity of the nation.
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The history of the formation of the Indonesian nation from various communities spread
across various islands, both large and small islands, especially with examples from scholars,
ulemas, non-formal leaders, awakens the spirit of unity by promoting what is called a common
denominator, united united against the colonial non-physical (soft power) then at a favorable
moment the resistance was carried out with hard power. History has recorded several pillars that
strengthened unity and integrity, including in 1908, known as the national awakening, awareness
for the nation and state. Next was the Youth Pledge on October 28, 1928, followed by several
pillars with the same goal, namely to build national unity based on Indonesianness, using the word
Indonesia as a national identity.
Ideologically, our country has clearly emphasized that Pancasila is the embodiment and
result of the crystallization of the noble values of the Indonesian nation, which was then used as
the basis of the state. The value of unity as a nation is clearly stated in Pancasila and it indicates
that unity is the value of togetherness that is upheld by all ethnic groups, groups, or groups in the
context of social, national, and state life. This means that all differences which are an inevitability
given by God do not become a barrier, on the contrary, become an impetus for the formation of an
common
denominator
hard powersoft power
Youth
Pledge
the
essence of
pluralism
unifier of
the nation
cultural
creativity
change
movement
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Indonesian nation that is free from colonialism. The history of Indonesia records that the
commitment to maintain unity and integrity as a nation, although full of obstacles, did not dampen
the efforts to seize and fulfill independence. In its development, along with the progress made
through development, the freedom and awareness to obtain their rights and obligations as
Indonesian citizens are guaranteed by law. The negative excesses of freedom that go beyond limits
and interfere with the freedom of others, often lead to social conflicts.
Along with the national reform movement since 1998 which is marked by the swift currents
of democratization, freedom of expression in public, the more openness to obtain actual
information, social conflicts are increasingly complicated by the rise of identity politics. Some
cases that indicate this include identity-based social conflicts (blood, ethnicity, religion) that
occurred in several areas, such as conflicts in Sambas, Poso, Ambon, Lampung and others. Various
social and political phenomena came to the fore. The strengthening of adat (customary revivalism)
in various forms, the exclusiveness of some actors who use religious understanding, or movements
that demand economic equality often use identity as part of the rationalization basis of their
movement. If this is not balanced with awareness of the importance of national unity, it is not
impossible to raise concerns about the risks that must be faced by all Indonesian citizens. This risk
will be even greater if there are groups who deliberately ride the practice of identity politics for
their economic and political gain.
The issue of the emergence of identity politics on the Indonesian political stage is not a
new event. In the historical trajectory of the founding of this country, various forms of identity
politics have appeared with various faces but often display faces full of violence, both physically
and symbolically. Therefore, identity politics is a problem that must get the attention of all parties
who are committed to the values of unity as a nation. In its development, various identity politics
phenomena appear in the electoral realm. This becomes a problem when the nature of democracy,
which is based on our spirit, is damaged because of exclusive sentiments that emphasize
differences and affirmations between me and you or between us and them. The nature of self-
exclusivity during diversity, if allowed to continue to grow, will be increasingly viral and in turn
can lead to social conflict, tending to lead to self or group fascism. An introspective attitude
towards all concerns caused by the complexity of the driving factors that cause divisions must be
directed at the main actors causing the divisions, including the fibers that strengthen their
existence. Based on the background of these problems, researchers are interested in conducting
research that aims to map the factors causing the emergence of movements or practices of identity
politics, the forms, and patterns of their movements as well as the configuration and potential
threats they pose.
METHOD
This study used qualitative research methods. Qualitative research method is a research
method that focuses on in-depth observations. Therefore, the use of qualitative methods in research
can result in a more comprehensive study of a phenomenon. Qualitative research that pays
attention to humanism or the human individual and human behavior is the answer to the awareness
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that all consequences of human actions are affected by internal aspects of the individual. These
internal aspects such as beliefs, political views, and social background of the individual concerned
(Ardianto 2019). While the data collection is done by exploring journals, books, and other
information relevant to the study. The data sources used are the results of research data and books,
journals, articles, and similar things obtained through Google Scholar. Activities in qualitative data
analysis in this study were carried out by relying on an interactive model (Miles 1984) which was
carried out through data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing/verification.
RESULT AND DISCUSSION
Identity Politics
The term identity politics has various meanings because it depends on the position
(perspective) in which we understand the term. Ibrahim (2013), for example, mentions that there
are three perspectives that can be used when studying the issue of identity politics. Ibrahim (2013)
mentions the three perspectives, namely the Primordial Perspective, the Instrumentalist
Perspective, and the Constructivist Perspective. Ibrahim (2013) explains that the first perspective
is the Primordial perspective, which insists on the assumption that identity is something that is
certain and given and emphasizes the emotional strength factor as a reinforcement in affiliation by
looking at aspects of religion, language, customs and so on. Geertz in Ibrahim (2013) reveals that
the basic substance of primordial sentiment is basically the longing not to belong to other groups.
These components include tribalism, regionalism, communalism and so on. The center of
primordial crystallization according to Geertz in Ibrahim (2013) is blood ties that become a family
unit and then expanded, race, which is characterized by phenotypic identity, language which is
often an important marker, regionalism or regionalism, religion which becomes a barrier and
customs that become the basis of primordial crystallization. “Carrier of civilization" claims.
Although it can be moderated, according to Geertz (1992) in Ibrahim (2013) the tensions of
primordial sentiments cannot be eliminated. The innate elemental power of place, tongue, blood,
views, and way of life shapes an individual's view of who he is and with whom he originates. In
looking at identity and identity politics, namely the Instrumentalist Perspective, according to
Ibrahim (2013) this perspective actually sees identity as a tool to achieve goals that are built with
a process of manipulation and mobilization by utilizing identity attributes that have been arranged
from the start (Ibrahim, 2013). Hutchinson and Smith (1996) in Ibrahim (2013) treat ethnicity as a
social, political, cultural resource for group interests and status. Ibrahim (2013) revealed that this
approach focuses on elite competition which emphasizes the need for symbol manipulation as
something vital and gaining mass support and achieving political goals. Collectivity in this case
according to Chalmers (2006) in Ibrahim (2013) is used as an instrument of social and political
domination through manipulations by the elite.
Meanwhile, the Constructivist perspective sees that identity is created in such a way
according to needs. This perspective sees that identities are constructed, selected and emphasized
in social interactions, and that ethnic groups are seen as a unit defined by social boundaries
(Ibrahim, 2013). The three perspectives described by Ibrahim (2013) are very helpful for us to
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examine the phenomenon of identity politics that comes to the surface. Studies on identity politics
are strongly influenced by the perspective used in viewing the phenomenon of identity politics
itself. Even so, from the results of his dissertation study, Ibrahim (2013) found a formula that in
studying identity politics mixing from the three perspectives is needed but with different degrees.
From these various perspectives, studies on identity politics are then carried out with various
approaches such as the elite approach, the political economy approach, to the cultural approach. It
is through this that the term identity politics is defined or given meaning. According to Hiplunudin
(2017: 14) the person who first explained the nature of identity politics by tracing its origins was
L. A. Kauffman, a study on the anti-violent student movement known as SNCC (the Student
Nonvilent Coordinating Committee), an organization of the civil rights movement. in the United
States in the early 1960s. In the issue of identity politics, the relationship between meaning and
the word politics is very close. Buchari (2014: 21) connects the meaning of the term politics with
identity politics and reveals that in essence identity politics is an effort to achieve certain power in
life and the political stage, where the recognition and presence of representatives from groups is
an important part of the political struggle carried out in the interests of the group. Furthermore,
Buchari (2014) cites Brown's opinion that group identity supports social construction to
promote representation of group interests. Socio-political behavior becomes related to the identity
of the group to be raised at a certain moment for the benefit of the group (Buchari, 2014: 21).
Through this explanation, we find that identity is a process of social construction and has the
potential to be used as a political instrument by a person or group of people to achieve certain
interests at a certain moment. The definition of identity politics has also been put forward by many
experts. Castells in Buchari (2014: 19) defines identity politics as individual participation in social
life which is more determined by one's culture and psychology. Identity is the basic construction
of culture and psychoculture of an individual that gives meaning and purpose to the life of the
individual, because the formation of identity is a process of internal dialogue and social interaction.
The definition by Castells views the issue of identity politics as a result of negotiations
between subjects and their social interactions. Kristianus (2009) in Buchari (2014: 20) provides an
understanding that identity politics is related to the struggle for political power based on ethnic
and religious identities. According to him, the struggle for identity politics is essentially a struggle
for groups who are marginalized (marginalized) politically, socially, culturally and economically.
Political action by prioritizing the interests of members of a group is based on race, ethnicity,
gender or religion (Buchari, 2014: 20). This understanding of Kristianus brings us to the emphasis
that political actions carried out within the scope of the term identity politics are based on certain
interests based on a common identity or certain characteristics, be it race, ethnicity, gender or
religion.
Heller in Abdillah (2002) cited by Hiplunudin (2017: 12) assumes identity politics as politics
that focuses on differentiation as the main category that promises freedom, tolerance and free play,
even though it creates patterns of intolerance, violence and ethnic conflict. According to him,
identity politics can include racism, bio-feminism, environmentalism (politics of environmental
issues) and ethnic disputes. Meanwhile, Abdilah S (2002) in Ibrahim (2013) defines identity
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politics as politics whose focus is on differences based on physical assumptions and physiological
characteristics, as well as contradictions that arise as a result of these assumptions and characters.
The politics built by this ethnicity, according to Abdilah, was initiated by the awareness to identify
with a particular ethnic group or group.
It is this awareness that gives rise to the solidarity of the grouping. So that exclusivity
becomes unavoidable. Morrowitz (Diamonf and Mars, 1999) quoted by Hiplunudin (2017: 14)
defines identity politics as providing a firm line to determine who will be included and who will
be rejected because the lines of determination cannot be changed, then the status as a member is
not a member. immediately appear to be permanent. From the description above, we can see that
identity politics is an effort to achieve certain power in life and the political stage by focusing on
differentiation as the main category and it is based on race, ethnicity, gender, or religion. In this
political struggle, the recognition and presence of representatives from groups is an important part.
This identity politics also promises freedom, tolerance, and free play, even though it creates
patterns of intolerance, violence and ethnic conflict. Identity politics begins with the awareness to
identify with a certain group or ethnic group. It is this awareness that gives rise to the solidarity of
the grouping. So that exclusivity becomes unavoidable.
Causes, Forms and Patterns of Movement and Potential Threats to Identity Politics
Identity politics is an attempt to achieve a certain power in life and the political scene by
focusing on differentiation as its main category. It is based on race, ethnicity, gender or religion.
This definition leads us to problems in the political realm where interests, power and actors are the
main elements discussed. In the political arena and in the administration of government in
Indonesia, these various identity politics phenomena appear and often manifest themselves in
forms that are colored by violence. In the context of political competition, conflict is often an
unavoidable problem. Various ways are taken in order to achieve the interests and the achievement
of the desired power.
Identity politics prioritizes differences as the main category, disturbing the social
cohesiveness of society. Hutington (2012) explains that primordialism is the basis of bonds in
world civilizations and then clashes with each other (clash of civilizations). Hutington (2012: 211)
explains that along with the passage of modernization, global politics has been reconfigured across
cultural boundaries.
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Peoples and countries with similar cultures go hand in hand, and those in different cultural
areas are separated from each other. According to Hutington, the division occurs because it is
based on ideological reasons and superpower relationships which then give way to the formulation
of alignment through culture and civilization. According to him, political ties are further
strengthened by the existence of cultural ties: ethnic, religious, and civilisational.
These cultural communities then replaced the cold war blocs, and the intersection between
civilizations became the focal point of conflict in the global political arena (Hutington, 2012).
From Huntington, we learn that ideological reasons and their relationship to the problem of the
tendency to stick to one of the superpower blocs are the causes of identity politics.
We can also read Hutington's explanation as a warning to us that cultural ties such as
ethnicity, religion and civilisation have the potential as a means of strengthening politically-based
identity politics (read: ideological) to appear even though in practice or in their movements they
often do not show any signs of violence. themselves with their political identity but show their
cultural identity (ethnicity, race or religion).
In Indonesia, such clashes have colored the life of the Indonesian people so much. Raben
(2011) for example, suggests that the history of Indonesia in the 1950s noted that at that time
Indonesia was in a position of ambiguity, between regions and the state attracting each other's
interests, causing many conflicts. Raben (2011) considered that the complexity of regional
sentiments and their overlapping and sometimes contradictory meanings were the main issues in
Indonesia in the 1950s.
The 1950s, according to Raben, in Indonesia are generally described as years of failed
attempts to establish parliamentary democracy and as years of regional toughness and restlessness
in the face of efforts to unite Indonesia. Interest in local events according to Drake in Raben (2011)
usually involves regional rebellions.
Country
Norm
Government
system
Citizen
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Regional stubbornness is often defined as a problem of integration, as resistance to "old
forms" in the outer provinces of Java against a centralized modern state, or as political and cultural
resistance to Javanization. This resistance presents regionalism as one of the latent disturbances to
the nation-state, which will be overcome in their respective time. Furthermore, according to Drake
(1989) that it is only part of the problem.
In 1998, when regionalism and demands for regional autonomy resurfaced, Indonesia again
faced regional unrest. Recent events force us to look back to the 1950s, when regional sentiments
expressed themselves in the most explicit, most political, and often the most violent ways. It would
be wrong if we uncritically conclude it is an ordinary conflict between national interests and
regional interests (Drake 1989 in Raben 2011).
Democracy which tends to be liberal is also seen as the cause of the emergence of identity
politics in Indonesia. Jumadi (2009) in Buchari (2014: 28) explains that the rise of identity politics
can also be understood as a mechanism for adapting society due to the high level of uncertainty in
the era of democratization. According to him, democratization has made the competition for
economic and political resources even tougher. The mobilization of kinship, ethnic and religious
networks was then created to win the fierce competition.
According to Jumadi, in the case of new democracies, it is often the pre-group leaders who
manipulate the ups and downs of their group identity. According to him, these leaders exploit
historical clan factors and cultural symbols to mobilize political support (Jumadi, 2009 in Buchari,
2014: 28).
The study conducted by Friday is in line with the results of studies conducted by Agustino
and Yussof (2010) and Mitzner (2012). Agustino and Yusoff in their article “Local Politics in
Indonesia: From Autocratic to Political Reform” note that after the reform period, collaboration
between the central and local elites disappeared, but instead strengthened the position of local
rulers. So that democratic government by the people which is actually at the local level is not really
achieved. The administration of government through the conception of Good Governance at the
local level that puts forward the principles of effective and efficient governance has the potential
to fail when faced with these problems.
After the Reformation, it was identified the rapid growth of political brokers and local
strongmen, thus placing strong people at the local level, who began to take over the void and
strengthen their access to control over local politics. The brokers and local strongmen who took
over the vacancy of players in the local political arena during the Reformation Order were usually
old brokers who in the past were unable or did not get the opportunity to compete with local
strongmen who supported the New Order regime.
Meanwhile, the brokers and local strongmen who succeeded in getting their nails deeper in
the reform era were the old players or brokers who in the past had become proxies of the New
Order. But because of their ability to reorganize power during the transition to democracy, they
managed to manipulate the public's state of mind so that local strongmen became more powerful
and influential than ever before.
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Marcus Mietzner's (2012) article on "Indonesian Democratic Stagnation: Conservative Elite
vs. Civil Society", reveals that democratic stagnation in Indonesia is caused by conservative elites
who want to restore their power, which they had before the reform took place. Mitzner says they
are behind recent efforts to halt the democratization process in Indonesia. It is difficult to pinpoint,
or simply describe clearly, the conservative groups in this group, because representatives are found
in almost all political parties, in every government institution, and even in civil society.
According to Mitzner, these people did not only appear in the figures of the state apparatus,
the military, businessmen and a number of political and power operators who had triumphed during
Suharto's new order. But there are also political party leaders who were born after the fall of the
authoritarian government, bureaucrats in government, and leaders of religious organizations, both
mainstream organizations and militant organizations.
Agustino and Mietzner's writings provide a basis for the argument that democratization at
the local level has also been hijacked by elites at the conservative local level or they are local
strongmen and bosses who hijack power for their political interests so that in the dynamics of local
politics and the management of power are closely intertwined with interests. ruling elites. From
this description, here the author wants to emphasize that cultural leadership that prioritizes
ethnicity has the opportunity to become a means of hijacking democracy through ethnic or cultural
politics in order to achieve certain political interests.
In the political realm, namely the election stage, identity politics is also often carried out.
Buchari (2014) researched the Dayak Ethnic Identity Politics in the 2007 West Kalimantan
Governor Election. the existence of common sense, common goals, common interests and finally
giving rise to identity politics, which is a political flow by involving a person or group of people
who have similar characteristics, such as religion, ethnicity and culture (Buchari, 2014: 199).
In addition to Buchari, Sofyan Sjaf's (2014) writing also examines the same study, namely
ethnic politics, namely in the political economy arena that occurred in Kendari. Sjaf (2014)
observes the dynamics of local politics in Kendari which has given rise to ethnic politics in
practice. According to him, the choice of liberal democracy (mainstreaming individuals and homo
economicus) has evoked the emotionality of ethnicity which poses a threat to the division of the
younger generation, the future of rural areas, and the barrenness of (re)production of national
leadership. According to him, it's not just that, this choice has given the local elite an advantage to
capitalize on ethnic identity in order to get the greatest possible advantage behind the ongoing
democratic process. In fact, according to him, ethnic differences are intentionally (re)produced by
ethnic bias elites in order to perpetuate symbolic, economic and political power.
From the results of the study conducted by Sjaf (2014) it proves that the practice of ethnic
[identity] domination in the local political economy arena through a liberative democratic system
needs to be addressed as early as possible so as not to backfire for the future of the Republic of
Indonesia. Symptoms of ethnic inequality, the practice of domination of ethnic bias (symbolic,
economic, and political power), and so on according to Sjaf are a threat as well as a common
challenge for us to treat identity politics in the local political economy arena which is framed with
the spirit of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (Sjaf, 2014: 314). )
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Various collective movements emerged from protest forms to radical forms coloring the
dynamics of relations between the center and the regions. Raben's writing invites us to see the
emergence of local culture on the political stage as a result of tensions between the center and the
regions. Meanwhile, Hiearij (2010) wrote about another form of collective action that also came
to the fore as a result of the friction of the tension between the state and society, namely the
religious radicalism movement. The tension relations that exist between actors when viewed from
a contentious point of view and social movements always lead to resistance and conflict as a way
to negate the interests of each actor. The emergence of the collective movement that was launched
according to Hiearij (2010) could be the result of the calculation of the rationality of profit and
loss (especially those affected by rational actions such as Olson, 1965), or the result of the
formation of an identity (by constructivists).
Hiarij (2010) argues that collective action is not a given reality, but the product of social
movement efforts to construct internal coherence. Without understanding the construction of us -
this social movement it seems difficult to digest the logic of all forms of action carried out by
activists. The actions of radical Islamic groups are therefore an expression of a certain internal
unity. This element of internal unity is created through two framing processes: First, by defining
who he is and who his enemies are, and second, by outlining the problems being faced and how to
overcome them. But that does not mean that the radical Islamic movement is a unified and unified
whole. Disagreements on certain issues and internal conflicts among activists make the internal
coherence on which the collective identity is based has a certain degree of fluidity.
In his study Hiarij (2010) stated that in general radical activists are involved in four types of
action. They carry out blasts in places such as churches, buildings associated with Western
countries and facilities most frequented by Westerners; conduct campaigns against prostitution,
pornography, drugs, alcohol and gambling; and staged mass marches and street protests. The
collective action of this group can be seen as an expression and performance of a radical Islamic
identity produced by an internal process of constructing ours - the movement.
In order to identify themselves, the activists photographed their group as the most original
Muslim citizens who have a noble obligation to realize the implementation of Shari'a and establish
Islamic political authority and carry out jihad and da'wah to fight for these goals. Activists believe
this sacred mission from a worldly perspective can be justified in overcoming the socio-economic
crisis in Indonesia following the 1997-1998 monetary crisis.
Radical Islamic groups also recognize themselves and value their sacred mission as
something real and important by constructing the enemies of Islam. The most important enemy is
Christianity, followed by the West and the Jews. Indonesian citizens of Chinese descent and
Communists, like Liberal Islam groups, are also seen as no less dangerous enemies. This paper
also argues that radical activists such as Ba'asyir will reject the distinction between the area of
ethics and the area of practice because for them Islam must not only be constructed abstractly in
human thought but also be expressed concretely through the human body. In many cases, radical
activists even prioritize the physical expression of faith through clothing or physical appearance
to affirm the real Islam (Hiearij, 2010: 150).
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The article which also raised the theme of radical movements in the name of identity in
relation to the administration of power was also written by Umar (2010). Umar through his political
economy perspective in his analysis stated that there are two things that we can read as the cause
of radicalism.
First, the historical legacy of Muslims that are conflicting with the regime, because there are
modes of oppression of Islamic politics that have occurred in several historical fragments,
especially the New Order. These historically marginalized groups, with historical awareness, try
to restore the political position of Islam with non-state and structural ways. In the global context,
the marginalization of Islamic politics by hegemony in international politics (the United States)
has led to an awareness to restore Islamic political sovereignty. Transnationalism brought this
awareness to Indonesia in the form of Islamic political movements (Umar, 2010: 172).
Second, the political-economic phenomenon. Besides the existence of political oppression,
the second argument of this paper is the existence of political-economic oppression. With this
argument, radicalism arises because of the excesses of capitalism which creates those who do not
have access to sources of capital. In the language of political economy, this approach is known as
the class approach - that is, the response to radicalism is basically a class response to fight the
oligarchic hegemony of capital with the state (Umar, 2010: 172). Thus, radicalism is read as a
portrait of historical consciousness combined with class consciousness. Umar's writing elaborates
on these two arguments as a tool to trace the roots of Islamic radicalism in Indonesia (Umar, 2010:
172).
Umar stated that the revival of local identity through radical movements could also be seen
as the impact of the government's failure to manage public problems. Umar (2010: 182) revealed
that "terrorism - in Indonesia will not be completed if the government does not fix the structural
problems faced by Indonesia. Umar argued that poverty is an implication of misreading and
imitation of policies that are not adapted to the context and objective conditions of the country.
The issue of the birth of Radical Islam - will not be separated from how the state eradicates poverty.
It is the government's job to answer all of that” (Umar, 2010: 184).
The writings of Raben, Hiearij, Umar have mapped the issue of conflict relations with
identity and management of state power. From the three writings, it can be mapped out how to see
the re-emergence of local culture to the surface seen through 3 perspectives, namely first as a result
of tensions between the center and the regions; second, as a negation of the existence of identity
and third as an expression of the problem of the failure of power management and distribution of
resources. The three articles also help to map the importance of the relationship between ideology,
identity and power management. Political marginalization causes ideological conflicts to emerge
as an expression of this marginalization through the denial of identity and various forms of
collective action.
Another study that confirms the root causes of the rise of enthusiasm for adat was carried out
by Henley and Davidson (2010). Hanley and Davidson (2010) through the article “Radical
Conservatism-Various Faces of Indigenous Politics”, explore the origins of the recent enthusiasm
or enthusiasm in Indonesia to return to adat, what gives culture, as a political reason, the ability to
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attract and mobilize support and why can this mobilization occur today, and develop rapidly in an
exhibition of traditionalism and Indigenism that suddenly emerged after the Suharto era.
Four major factors are discussed in Henley and Davidson's writings, the first being the
inspiration and support of international organizations and networks fighting for the rights of
indigenous peoples, the preservation of cultural diversity, and the idea that communities and
traditions can help the environment. The second factor was pressure and oppression under the New
Order; Third, the important opportunities and demands of reforms related to Indonesia's recent
political and economic history; and the fourth root of the revival is ideological heritage, historical
in nature, and lies in the role that adat has played in the Indonesian political imagination since the
dawn of nationalism in the early twentieth century. Henley and Davidson's writing further
emphasizes that the issue of identity politics is a problem caused by the support of ideas and
resources, the management of power that tends to be dominant, the structure of political
opportunities, and the historical ideological heritage.
The various forms and patterns of identity-based political movements or practices above are
also emphasized by Heller in Hiplunudin (2017: 12) which states that according to him, identity
politics can include racism, bio-feminism, environmentalism (politics of environmental issues) and
ethnic disputes. Meanwhile, Hiplunudin revealed that the extreme form of identity politics is the
emergence to some extent of the idea of separatism (Hiplunudin, 2017: 15). The various forms of
identity politics emphasize that the scope of identity politics is very broad because of its nature
which allows it to move beyond the boundaries of cultural identity alone.
The identity politics movement also has its own character. Beyme in Abdillah (2002) quoted
by Hiplunudin (2017: 14), he analyzed the character of the identity political movement in three
stages of development, namely the first pre-modern stage where fundamental divisions occurred,
ethnic groups, and nationalities gave rise to a comprehensive socio-political movement, where
there was ideological mobilization by the elites in the competition for power from the incumbent
to the new ruler.
Second, at the modern stage, the movement emerges with a conditional approach, division
requires resources to be mobilized, there is a balance of mobilization from above and participation
from below so that the leader's role is no longer dominant and aims at power sharing.
Third, postmodern developments, the emergence of movements stems from their own
dynamics, protests arise on various individual opportunities, no one group or division is dominant.
The pattern of action and activities is based on self-awareness that is autonomous as the final goal.
Thus, Hiplunudin explained the characteristics of the identity politics movement that Beyme
expressed.
Democracy which tends to be liberal is also seen as the cause of the emergence of identity
politics in Indonesia. Jumadi (2009) in Buchari (2014: 28) explains that the rise of identity politics
can also be understood as a mechanism for adapting society due to the high level of uncertainty in
the era of democratization. According to him, democratization has made the competition for
economic and political resources even tougher. The mobilization of kinship, ethnic and religious
networks was then created to win the fierce competition.
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According to Jumadi, in the case of new democracies, it is often the pre-group leaders who
manipulate the ups and downs of their group identity. According to him, these leaders exploit
historical clan factors and cultural symbols to mobilize political support (Jumadi, 2009 in Buchari,
2014: 28).
The study conducted by Friday is in line with the results of studies conducted by Agustino
and Yussof (2010) and Mitzner (2012). Agustino and Yusoff in their article “Local Politics in
Indonesia: From Autocratic to Political Reform” note that after the reform period, collaboration
between the central and local elites disappeared, but instead strengthened the position of local
rulers.
So that democratic government by the people which is actually at the local level is not really
achieved. The administration of government through the conception of Good Governance at the
local level that puts forward the principles of effective and efficient governance has the potential
to fail when faced with these problems.
After the Reformation, it was identified the rapid growth of political brokers and local
strongmen, thus placing strong people at the local level, who began to take over the void and
strengthen their access to control over local politics. The brokers and local strongmen who took
over the vacancy of players in the local political arena during the Reformation Order were usually
old brokers who in the past were unable or did not get the opportunity to compete with local
strongmen who supported the New Order regime.
Meanwhile, the brokers and local strongmen who succeeded in getting their nails deeper in
the reform era were the old players or brokers who in the past had become proxies of the New
Order. But because of their ability to reorganize power during the transition to democracy, they
managed to manipulate the public's state of mind so that local strongmen became more powerful
and influential than ever before.
Marcus Mietzner's (2012) article on "Indonesian Democratic Stagnation: Conservative Elite
vs. Civil Society", reveals that democratic stagnation in Indonesia is caused by conservative elites
who want to restore their power, which they had before the reform took place. Mitzner says they
are behind recent efforts to halt the democratization process in Indonesia. It is difficult to pinpoint,
or simply describe clearly, the conservative groups in this group, because representatives are found
in almost all political parties, in every government institution, and even in civil society.
According to Mitzner, these people did not only appear in the figures of the state apparatus,
the military, businessmen and a number of political and power operators who had triumphed during
Suharto's new order. But there are also political party leaders who were born after the fall of the
authoritarian government, bureaucrats in government, and leaders of religious organizations, both
mainstream organizations and militant organizations.
Agustino and Mietzner's writings provide a basis for the argument that democratization at
the local level has also been hijacked by elites at the local conservative level or they are local
strongmen and bosses who hijack power for their political interests so that in the dynamics of local
politics and management of power are closely intertwined with interests. ruling elites. From this
description, here the author wants to emphasize that cultural leadership that prioritizes ethnicity
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has the opportunity to become a means of hijacking democracy through ethnic or cultural politics
in order to achieve certain political interests.
In the political realm, namely the election stage, identity politics is also often carried out.
Buchari (2014) researched the Dayak Ethnic Identity Politics in the 2007 West Kalimantan
Governor Election. the existence of a common sense, common goal, common interest and finally
giving rise to identity politics, which is a political flow by involving a person or group of people
who have similar characteristics, such as religion, ethnicity and culture (Buchari, 2014: 199).
In addition to Buchari, Sofyan Sjaf's (2014) writing also examines the same study, namely
ethnic politics, namely in the political economy arena that occurred in Kendari. Sjaf (2014)
observes the dynamics of local politics in Kendari which has given rise to ethnic politics in
practice. According to him, the choice of liberal democracy (mainstreaming individuals and homo
economicus) has evoked the emotionality of ethnicity which poses a threat to the division of the
younger generation, the future of rural areas, and the sterility of (re)production of national
leadership. According to him, it's not just that, this choice has given the local elite an advantage to
capitalize on ethnic identity in order to get the greatest possible advantage behind the ongoing
democratic process. In fact, according to him, ethnic differences are intentionally (re)produced by
ethnic bias elites in order to perpetuate symbolic, economic and political power.
From the results of the study conducted by Sjaf (2014) it proves that the practice of ethnic
[identity] domination in the local political economy arena through a liberative democratic system
needs to be addressed as early as possible so as not to backfire for the future of the Republic of
Indonesia. Symptoms of ethnic inequality, the practice of ethnic bias dominance (symbolic,
economic, and political power), and so on according to Sjaf are a threat as well as a common
challenge for us to treat identity politics in the local political economy arena which is framed with
the spirit of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia (Sjaf, 2014: 314). ).
In the course of the history of the Indonesian nation, the impact of the practices of identity
politics has been felt from time to time. Huplunudin (2017) wrote about various identity politics
practices from the historical period in the colonialist era to reformation. During the colonial period,
identity politics resulted in the existence of a social hierarchy that was used by colonialists to
perpetuate colonialist power and at the same time oppress the Indonesian people. Various physical
and symbolic violence that demeaned the natives (the term at that time for the indigenous
population) occurred a lot. However, on the other hand, as a colonized nation at that time, the
identity politics carried out by the colonialists had also given birth to an awareness of nationalism
and a revival of the spirit of struggle to escape the shackles of colonialism.
Later, namely the Old Order and the New Order, as part of the description above, the impact
of identity politics was the emergence of ethnic conflicts such as the South Lampung conflict, the
Dayak conflict with Madura in West Kalimantan, the emergence of separatist movements such as
GAM (Free Aceh Movement). , OPM (Free Papua Organization) until the events of the release of
East Timor are conflicts that wear identity as the basis for rationalization and legitimacy of their
actions. Of course, as we know, these conflicts have claimed many victims and many losses must
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be obtained. Therefore, the impact of identity politics is so powerful, it is appropriate for all parties
who are committed to avoiding political pragmatism to use identity politics as an act of struggle.
Lately, movements that reflect identity politics are getting stronger. Various events appear
to the surface, ranging from extreme acts of terrorism, peaceful actions demonstrated by religious
nationalist groups (eg the 212), as well as actions triggered by various emerging issues such as the
revival of the Communist Party (PKI) in Indonesia, which which was enough to make harmony
and the political situation in Indonesia heated up.
These extra-parliamentary movements are essentially closely intertwined with the identity
sentiments of the group. The mass movement does provide an opportunity for the transmission of
sentiments that will lead to a structure of political opportunities for interested actors to take
advantage of this momentum. While on the other hand, individual actions through terror methods
tend to spread fear rather than strengthen group cohesiveness.
Furthermore, in the form of radical acts of terrorism based on political reasons, namely
ideology, it is often the root of the problem which is then closely intertwined with identity (race,
religion, ethnicity, region) as the basis for rationalizing the actions taken. Terrorism with its
tendency to destructive behavior becomes a serious threat to the security and social stability of
society.
The psychological impact that he transmits is the fear if left unchecked will evolve into
suspicions that infect every individual in society. These suspicions are one of the causes of the
estrangement of social relations between members of the community so that people are vulnerable
to being infiltrated by divisive politics from irresponsible parties, which in the end creates chaos.
It needs special attention that the failure of the state to manage power and distribution of
resources has resulted in the emergence of identity politics in the face of regionalism, ethnic
politics and environmental movements to separatism as an extreme form. These movements also
pose a threat to the integration of the nation and state. Various outbursts of discontent were
expressed in separatist and extremist movements that demanded justice in the management of
resources between the center and the regions.
There are many ways for the government to eliminate fibers that have the potential to disrupt
the stability of the continuity of state life, one of which is the issuance of Law No. 32/2004 on
regional government which was subsequently revised into Law no. 23/2014 which specifically
regulates decentralization. However, when decentralization and regional autonomy were
implemented in various regions, it turned out that the problems were not immediately resolved,
the fibers of identity politics were still closely attached.
The struggle for power over resources is not only between the center and the regions but also
at the local level or the regions themselves. This, if we look closely, is the result of the freedom
given has caused the contestation for control over resources to become more open and tougher.
The emergence of old elites and new elites at the local level has further brightened the contestation
for control over these resources.
Threats to social integration arise when these competing elites for control use strategies or
methods that have the potential to divide society or at least disrupt the previously maintained social
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harmony in order to gain support for it. The emergence of identity politics which often uses
identity, whether it be race, religion, ethnicity or region as an instrument to gain power, has opened
up opportunities for the disruption of conducive conditions and situations in the community.
Identity politics on the one hand has increased cohesiveness between individuals within a
group. But on the other hand, whether consciously or not, it has increased the estrangement of
social relations between groups in society. To overcome this problem, the strategy that the state
can take as a conflict manager is divided into several ways, depending on the root cause of the
emergence of identity politics.
Identity politics movements or actions rooted in the problem of resource inequality, the effort
that can be carried out is to moderate the management of resources between the state and the
community. Meanwhile, at the local level, it is necessary to open access to resources by the wider
community from the monopoly of elites at the local level.
Increasing community participation in development in all fields and implementing
deliberative democracy at the local level are some of the ways that can be taken with the aim that
resource management at the local level can be more evenly distributed and thus stability at the
local level can still be controlled. Solving the problem of inequality in resource management in
this case is a panacea to prevent the emergence of identity politics whose emergence is caused by
inequality itself.
The movements or actions above tend to be carried out extra-parliamentary. In reality, it
cannot be denied that identity politics has also strengthened in the parliamentary realm (electoral:
general elections). The procedural democracy with a liberative character adopted by this country,
however accommodates every individual from various groups to participate as contestants or
voters as long as it is regulated by the existing laws and regulations.
Through this electoral domain, identity politics is generally used to win contestations, even
though it departs from various motives, such as economic motives, namely the control of resources,
political power or affirmation of ethnic identity. The election route is the main choice targeted by
individuals or groups to change conditions or maintain power for the elites who hold power.
Involvement of identity in the realm of elections is a way to broaden group sentiment and
ultimately broaden support.
The fiber of identity politics began to appear in the case of the 2017 DKI Jakarta
gubernatorial election, which has become complicated because it links identity issues such as
religion and ethnicity as well as legal issues. This condition has not fully recovered until mid-2020,
what are the implications then? The trend that occurred after the DKI Jakarta gubernatorial election
was held, the remnants of sentiments of hatred, racism, and others still afflict individuals in society,
especially those who are involved in the political arena in this country. No exception at the local
level, we can see simple examples such as in the village, village head elections involving
economic, political, cultural and social capital mostly leave chronic diseases in the form of hatred
against individuals or opposing groups. Until the village head election ended, these diseases did
not go away. Various threats that can damage the harmony of society need to be handled.
Prevention efforts can be carried out through various strategies, first, the government must take
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persuasive actions in the form of spreading public political awareness so that people do not get
trapped and fall into blind sentiments that end in identity politics. The development of political
awareness is also directed at how the public can avoid various issues and hoaxes that can divide
unity and unity.
The radicalization of democracy that leads to agonism, namely emphasizing the attitude of
not eliminating each other towards opponents, also needs to be injected into public awareness
during democracy which tends to be liberative at this time. Second, through an institutional
strategy, the government can further improve the functions of existing institutions to support the
government's efforts to maintain unity and integrity. Third, through the legal corridor, the
government can intervene to provide direction to sanctions (with the protection of the rule of law
of course) against violations and the implementation of elections that lead to identity conflicts in
the community.
Some of the strategies that emerged as prevention and control efforts were put forward, of
course the author is well aware that in practice it is not as simple as written. This is because, in
practice, identity politics often arises due to various intertwined problems, whether it is
discrimination and marginalization of groups, ideology, issues of political contention, issues of
struggle for control of resources and others. So that it gives rise to quite a variety of treatments,
meaning that it requires a combination of existing efforts so that the root of the problem is
completed and resolved. In addition, the emergence of identity politics on the political stage will
be minimized in line with the increase in the rationality of citizens who act as voters.
CONCLUSION
Identity politics in Indonesia arises due to various factors. The root causes of identity politics
also determine the form and pattern of movements or actions of identity politics that are carried
out. In the form of radical action, political reasons, namely ideology, often become the root of the
problem which is then closely intertwined with rationalization of action based on identity as the
cover. In addition, the failure of the state to manage power and distribution of resources has
resulted in the emergence of identity politics in the face of regionalism, ethnic politics, and
environmental movements to separatism as an extreme form. While in the political arena, the
emergence of identity politics is more due to the fluidity of identity which has the potential to be
used as a political tool to achieve victory by a candidate or political party and the nature of
liberative democracy which triggers the emergence of emotional ethnicity which in the end gives
birth to the identity politics movement. Identity politics is a way to mobilize support and advance
the hidden agenda behind the practice of identity politics that is shown. This is of course very
vulnerable to the life of the nation and state because such pragmatism will only lead the community
to social conflict as a result of the strengthening of identity and self-exclusiveness sentiments or
groups and, whether consciously or not, often involve acts of physical or symbolic violence.
Furthermore, it is not impossible that the hidden agenda behind the use of identity politics can
jeopardize the existence of state power, such as the motive to change the state order. Therefore, in
this case, it is in the interest of the state to immediately address the issue of identity politics with
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appropriate formulations so that unity and integrity and harmony in the life of the nation and state
can be maintained.
Looking at the root causes of the emergence of identity politics that occurred in Indonesia as
described above, the right solution, of course, logically is to cover the root problems which have
given birth to identity politics. The results of the studies above emphasize good management of
state power, wise management of resources, reinterpretation, and reconsideration of the
implementation of democracy in Indonesia, namely implementing the Pancasila democratic
system where deliberation is the key to decision making and community development of political
awareness and awareness. the life of the nation and state needs to be strengthened. Increased
rationality and a responsible attitude of society will reduce the tendency to get involved in the
puddle of identity politics. Through these various suggestions, it is hoped that the management of
identity in Indonesia by the state can be carried out appropriately so that the emergence of identity
politics practices can be minimized, if not eliminated.
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